Colombia’s U.S. Alliance at a Crossroads, Pinzón Says
Juan Carlos Pinzón, a former defense minister and ambassador, delivered a blunt warning that the once-close U.S.-Colombia relationship has “collapsed” under President Gustavo Petro. He frames the change as a strategic problem for both nations and a political opportunity for critics of the current administration. His voice now mixes security credentials with a clear political edge.
Pinzón says he could “repair U.S.-Colombian relations in a week” if given the chance and is weighing a presidential bid that would return Colombia to a pro-U.S. posture. He urged international oversight for upcoming elections amid concerns about cartel influence and corruption. That call reflects a Republican-style emphasis on law, order, and strong alliances.
“Petro has made himself an ally to [Venezuelan dictator Nicolás] Maduro’s regime, a narco-state, and a regime that is held mainly by the Cartel de los Soles,” Pinzón said. “He has justified the existence of drug trafficking in Colombia … he has aligned himself with the idea of something that he calls ‘Total Peace,’ which implies that he’s providing benefits to drug traffickers and terrorist organizations and in general terms to organized crime.”
Historically, Washington and Bogotá were security partners with deep cooperation on counternarcotics, intelligence sharing, and military training. Pinzón argues that those ties have been eroded by Petro’s outreach to Caracas and his distancing from the U.S. from both diplomatic and operational angles. The Republican critique is that ideological affinity with Maduro has real, measurable costs.
As defense minister from 2011 to 2015, Pinzón led aggressive campaigns against FARC and other armed groups, and as ambassador he helped secure Colombia’s major non-NATO ally status. Those advances lowered coca production and kidnappings and increased joint operations with U.S. forces. He points to that record as proof that security cooperation can change the facts on the ground fast.
Petro’s “Total Peace” policy aims to negotiate with armed criminal groups and integrate fighters back into civilian life, but critics say it has created dangerous incentives. “Homicide has gone up, terrorist actions have gone up, kidnappings have gone up, and the killing of police officers and military is increasing,” he said. “All this is very bad for my country. And this is why I’m so committed to fight this, to confront this.”
Pinzón is explicit about the need for international scrutiny of Colombia’s votes. “If I were to ask something to the world today and to the international community — to the U.S., to the European Union, and even to countries in Asia — it’s that they make sure Colombian elections are not tainted by drug trafficking, illegal mining or terrorist hands,” Pinzón said. That appeal fits a playbook of inviting allies to defend institutional integrity.
After tensions over U.S. counter-narcotics operations and political exchanges, Washington considered cuts to aid and trade pressure, a response that worries Pinzón. “It’s not regular Colombians who are doing this,” he said. “Most of us completely disagree with what is going on under Petro. We don’t want to see tariffs that can affect jobs and businesses in Colombia.”
Pinzón urges targeted measures over blunt instruments that harm civilians and morale in the security forces. “Our military and police are the real fighters against drugs,” he said. “They continue to sacrifice, they continue to confront terrorism and drug trafficking. If that support disappears, it’s the criminals who are going to benefit.”
He prefers financial pressure on kingpins and corrupt enablers rather than broad sanctions on a nation in crisis. “We would prefer OFAC-style sanctions on the people committing crimes,” he said, “not policies that punish those who oppose Petro’s agenda.” That approach mirrors conservative calls for surgical action against bad actors.
On restoring ties with Washington, Pinzón laid out a quick, practical plan. “I will just come to the U.S., speak openly and clearly with President Trump and the U.S. leadership, and speak on the need of creating a security agreement again on intelligence, on air mobility, on technology, on combating drug trade, but also on critical minerals and education,” he said. He wants more Colombians trained in the U.S. to return with skills that drive growth and stability.
Pinzón warned of wider consequences if Colombia drifts further from its stabilizing role in the hemisphere. “Colombia is a stabilizer at the end,” he said. “If Colombia fails, the whole region will fail.”
He signals readiness to rebuild bipartisan U.S. support and to cooperate on operational issues such as deportations and humanitarian responses. “Everybody knows that I will have a very good relationship with the United States, certainly with the current administration, with President Trump,” he said. That promise is pitched as a fast track back to predictable, effective partnership.
“When Afghanistan fell, we offered the U.S. even to take care of some of the Afghanis if necessary,” Pinzón said. “When you have a strong relationship as the one we used to have between Colombia and the U.S., and we will have if I can get to the presidency, what we’re going to see is a lot of good coordination and a lot of good things for both the people of Colombia and the people of the United States.”
