State Department Exposes Cuban Communist Operation Targeting America


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The State Department has released a report accusing Havana of a long, covert campaign to undermine the United States through espionage and ideological influence, calling the island the “capital of 21st century communism.” The document traces ties between Cuban intelligence and American radical movements, names convicted spies, and contends that influence operations targeted universities and activist networks. U.S. officials quoted in the report warn that Havana shifted from conventional warfare to political penetration and long-term organizing. The report and public comments from leaders frame Cuba as an enduring national security concern that requires clear-eyed policy responses.

The report paints a picture of decades-long efforts by Havana to cultivate allies and infiltrate institutions inside the United States, focusing more on influence than on open military confrontation. It argues the Cuban regime perfected a playbook of political organizing, academic ties, and covert operations that outlived the Soviet Union and adapted to the modern era. That evolution, the report says, left a legacy of networks that continue to shape certain activist circles and nonprofit work in the U.S. today.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio made the report’s aims plain in public remarks, framing it as an effort to expose a hidden history and warn Americans about ongoing threats. “For more than six decades, the Cuban regime has been the leading sponsor of radical leftism and Third Worldism in the United States,” Rubio wrote on X. “The State Department is exposing the full history of Cuban espionage and subversion in our country. The American people deserve to know.”

The report lists historic contacts with revolutionary and militant groups, alleging Havana cultivated relationships with organizations such as the Weather Underground, the Black Panthers and the Black Liberation Army, and extended influence toward Puerto Rican militant organizations. It also traces later connections to modern groups and movements, naming Antifa, anti-ICE organizations, socialist groups and a range of left-leaning nonprofits. The pattern described is one of patient relationship-building, recruiting sympathetic activists and amplifying their causes over time.

Among the report’s most troubling allegations are specific espionage cases that it says illustrate Havana’s reach. Convicted agents like Victor Manuel Rocha, Ana Belén Montes and Walter Kendall Myers are singled out, along with members of the Wasp Network, as examples of operatives who penetrated U.S. institutions. These cases are presented as evidence that Cuba’s intelligence services were effective and persistent, not merely rhetorical threats.

It also quotes former intelligence professionals who framed Cuba as a pragmatic and skilled adversary. The report cites former CIA counterintelligence chief James Olson, who called Cuba’s intelligence service “probably the most aggravating intelligence service I’ve ever worked against,” and warned, “The Cubans have penetrated our government…. We only know the tip of the iceberg.” Those assessments aim to underscore the depth of concern among career officials familiar with counterintelligence work.

The State Department’s assessment highlights how higher education became a recruitment and influence venue, noting partnerships between the University of Havana and U.S. colleges as part of a broader strategy. The report contends that politically sympathetic students were identified and groomed, then later moved into positions in government, academia or the private sector. That sort of pipeline, it warns, can have long-term effects on policymaking and public debate.

Beyond the United States, the report revisits Havana’s support for revolutionary movements across Latin America and its habit of offering sanctuary to fugitives linked to militant groups. It mentions organizations that, according to the report, helped sustain pro-Cuba activism in the U.S., including the Venceremos Brigade, ICAP, the National Network on Cuba, the Democratic Socialists of America, Code Pink and the National Lawyers Guild. The document frames these ties as components of a transnational strategy, not isolated gestures of solidarity.

The report concludes that as the Soviet era faded, Cuba doubled down on influence operations, becoming what it calls “the ideological capital of the modern radical left” and relying more on espionage, political organizing and soft-power networks than on traditional military force. That shift, officials argue, makes the threat harder to spot and more durable. U.S. policymakers are urged to treat ideological penetration as a persistent national security problem that requires vigilance across many fronts.

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U.S. diplomats and security officials have also warned about great power activity around Cuban territory, raising concerns that adversaries could use Cuban soil for intelligence collection near U.S. military sites. Earlier this month, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Mike Waltz appeared on Fox News to warn that Cuba remains a national security threat and accused China and Russia of collecting information around U.S. military bases in Cuba. “The Cuban regime is not only a threat to its own people, it’s a national security threat, and this administration is not going to stand for it any longer,” Waltz said.

The Cuban Embassy in the United States did not immediately respond to requests for comment, leaving the report’s assertions and the public statements of U.S. officials as the central record for now. Policymakers and voters will likely weigh the report’s detailed claims against diplomatic and strategic aims in the hemisphere. What is clear from the document is a call for renewed attention to influence operations and intelligence threats that can quietly shape political landscapes over generations.

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