Marco Rubio says U.S. intelligence-sharing with Israel and regional mediators stopped a likely attack, and Washington is pushing for a stabilization force to keep the fragile ceasefire on track. Talks with Qatar, Egypt, Turkey and others are underway, but some countries want a U.N. resolution before they join, complicating the path forward. Senior U.S. figures, including a presidential visit and key envoys, have been active in the region to lock down the deal and build momentum for durable security. The message from Republican leaders is simple: act decisively, back allies, and use intelligence to prevent violence before it starts.
Rubio made it plain that intelligence sharing worked when it mattered, saying, “We put out a message through State Department, sent it to our mediators as well, about an impending attack, and it didn’t happen.” He repeated the aim in blunt terms, “So that’s the goal here, is ultimately to identify a threat before it happens.” That kind of forward-leaning posture is exactly what the region needs right now: prevent attacks rather than react to them. Republicans will point to this as proof that proactive security policy saves lives and stabilizes fragile arrangements.
The State Department earlier warned of “credible reports” that Hamas might target Palestinian civilians in violation of the agreement, and that warning underlines why intelligence coordination matters. Sharing actionable information with partners like Israel and Qatar bought time and likely averted an incident, which should be celebrated as a concrete result of diplomatic muscle. If Washington can keep that level of coordination, the ceasefire will stand a better chance of holding. The alternative is chaos that drags more actors into a worsening conflict.
Rubio also outlined outreach to several states interested in contributing to an international stabilization force, naming Qatar, Egypt and Turkey as central players. He added Indonesia and Azerbaijan as other potential contributors, signaling broad regional interest in preventing another round of violence. Yet he warned that “Many of the countries who want to be a part of it can’t do it without” a United Nations resolution, pointing to a diplomatic hurdle that could slow or limit participation. From a Republican standpoint, that highlights why the U.S. should press allies to act and avoid unnecessary bureaucratic delays.
High-level visits have been constant: Rubio met with President Trump in Qatar during the president’s stop on the way to Asia, and other envoys have been shuttling around the region to shore up commitments. Vice President JD Vance, special envoy Steve Witkoff and adviser Jared Kushner all spent time in Israel this week trying to cement the ceasefire, showing a coordinated White House push. These visits send a clear signal that the administration treats the deal as a priority, not a sideshow. Republicans see that as the right approach—put capital and effort where allied security is at stake.
Next week the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Dan Caine, is expected to travel to Israel as well, which would add military gravitas to the diplomatic effort on the ground. That kind of military-diplomatic coordination reassures partners and helps translate ceasefire terms into practical security measures. It also establishes channels for real-time intelligence and contingency planning should threats resurface. A strong, visible U.S. presence discourages actors who might think they can exploit any vacuum.
President Trump publicly thanked Qatar for its role in helping secure the deal and emphasized the long-term goal when he said, “This should be an enduring peace.” That line reflects the administration’s hope to convert a fragile cessation of hostilities into a durable framework for stability. Republican messaging around the trip stresses partnership over lectures—work with regional actors who can deliver results and hold them accountable. The pragmatic posture is to reward cooperation and to push for arrangements that reduce the chance of renewed fighting.
There’s a practical question about how to structure any stabilization force and who will be comfortable serving under U.N. authorization, since some states insist on that mandate. Washington must balance the desire for broad international involvement with the need for speed and effectiveness. Republican policymakers are likely to favor flexible coalitions that can act quickly and support Israel’s security needs. At the same time, keeping diplomatic doors open to states like Turkey and Qatar is smart, because their influence can help limit escalation.
The emerging consensus in Republican circles is straightforward: keep sharing intelligence, lock down partners who will actually contribute on the ground, and refuse to let bureaucratic delays fatally weaken the ceasefire. If U.S. leadership produces a working stabilization force and sustained intelligence cooperation, the region gets a shot at calmer weeks and months ahead. The work is far from over, but the approach—firm, practical and unapologetically pro-ally—matches the stakes and the Republican view of how to keep peace by being prepared to prevent war.
